In the spring semester of 1999, the walls of one of the residential dormitories, Ben Franklin, were smattered with racist, anti-Semitic, and anti-female graffiti. As news broke out about this "graffiti incident," the overall mood and tone of the college community changed abruptly. After all, messages of this sort are not expected to surface at such a prestigious, isolated liberal arts college as Franklin & Marshall. Campus discussion began in many different forms: there were lunch meetings in the Women's Center, forums in the atrium; there was an email-chat group, and an enhanced "Days of Dialogue." Student leaders organized a silent march which was covered by a local new station, and a new publication was founded as an alternative to the College Reporter. Thus, discussion about race increased tremendously in the spring after the graffiti incident. By the fall of 1999, when students returned to campus after the summer, talk about racial issues returned to the relatively low level it was at before.
Was there any impression left on students after experiencing the events of the spring of 1999? Even though the campus seemed like it was "back to normal" in the fall, it is likely that students' attitudes and perceptions about various social issues were affected. To answer this question, we draw on the results of a survey administered to a total of 251 students, selected by a stratified (by race/ethnicity and class year) random sample of enrolled students. The survey asked about students' feelings and experiences on various issues regarding race relations.
A considerable amount of research has been done on the subject of race relations on college campuses. In the results of the 1999 survey, I found support for Jackman and Muha's theory of dominant group ideology, which, though not expressed in these terms by the authors, may be seen as a modern day form of racism; its ultimate goal is for whites to maintain their advantage over other racial groups. This theory works at the group level rather than at the individual level, meaning that some individuals may be more conscious of this ideology at work than others, but this is not the question; the theory is cognizant of the competition going on between groups as a whole. Therefore, the traditional prejudice about which we are accustomed to speaking, which includes negative feelings on the part of an individual from one group to another person from another group, may not necessarily be present for this dominant group ideology to be alive. As Jackman and Muha write, the dominant group "develops such an ideology without contrivance; it flows naturally from their side of experience as they seek to impose a sense of order on the pattern of social relations" (cited in McClelland and Auster 1990). Evidence of their theory is seen as people express "normal" or "acceptable" racial attitudes, which do not harbor prejudice, but are not in favor of programs or actions that target minorities specifically. Those who subscribe to the ideology are also strong proponents of individual rights and the belief that anyone can "get ahead" if they work hard enough.
Though in a different form than traditional prejudice, the existence of this dominant group ideology works to the same end, which is to maintain white advantage. For students of color, who have experienced first-hand what it is like to not be in the advantaged group, this ideology is difficult to battle because it is based in strong white-American ideals which put blinders on to the oppressive past and present inequalities among races. The gap between the life experiences and life outlook of whites and students of color leads to an entirely different college experience that can be more detrimental and negative for one than the other. Furthermore, the college will not have accomplished its mission if whites leave this campus unchallenged in their views on race relations.
When students were asked direct questions about the racial climate on campus, the statistics show that we cannot say that there is not a consensus among asians, blacks, whites, and latinos about their perceptions of the climate. Though there did seem to be a trend where blacks and latinos perceived the climate as more negative, most feel it is rather relaxed and friendly, yet segregated. There is not as clear a consensus over whether the campus is indifferent or caring, guarded or open. There was a statistically significant difference between the races when it came to perceptions of respect between races, where blacks felt there was more disrespect than the other groups. Overall, however, groups seemed to share a general sense of what the racial climate is on campus. This agreement may indeed be a repercussion of the spring happenings. After the graffiti incident, there was a high level of discussion, through which many students shared their opinions, perceptions, and experiences about race. Students who heard these words spoken by their peers most likely incorporated them into their overall feelings about the racial climate, leading to a similar general sense the climate.
Whites' racial attitudes in this case is what I refer to as normal and acceptable, which is what would be expected of those who subscribe to the dominant group ideology. The reflections about the campus climate as segregated, maybe a little guarded and indifferent, but overall relaxed and friendly, is a conservative, not extremely positive estimation of relations that shows that whites do not think the climate is "perfect." Similarly, when asked to react to the statement "F&M is a diverse college," whites were more likely to disagree than agree. Also, most whites agreed with the statement that "in the long run, the entrance of racial minority students will strengthen our colleges and universities." An even larger majority of whites disagreed that "discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities is no longer a major problem in America today." These measures tap into the standard principles Americans have come to adhere to: diversity is inevitable and positive; discrimination is ongoing. Note that these beliefs would not be associated with prejudiced feelings.
That this is a superficial commitment to these tenets is revealed in several ways, demonstrating Jackman and Muha's theory of dominant group ideology. Only a minority of whites that agree that the college should do more to improve race relations. And while most whites feel that F&M's faculty and administration are concerned about students of color's issues and concerns, a majority of whites and latinos responded that they do feel the college should do more to improve race relations. This tends to show a commitment to the college more than an understanding of the concerns and issues that students of color are dealing with. Asked their opinion about affirmative action, the majority of whites expressed not positive feelings; whites were also the group most likely to suggest that the best option the U.S. could take on matters of race relations is to roll back programs such as busing. More whites did think that the best thing the U.S. could do would be to educate Americans about pluralism and tolerance instead of rolling back programs, which would not surprise Jackman and Muha who believe that education is less a tolerance-teacher than another avenue that the dominant group uses to legitimize its position in society and maintain status quo. Indeed, whites were the group most likely to believe that college-educated people are less prejudiced people overall.
Even while whites seem to believe in pluralism and tolerance (both accepted values), this is not apparent when we examine results from the survey questions that ask if the student has or would interact with a person or persons from another racial group in various social situations. Demonstrating their commitment to white advantage, whites appear least likely of asians, blacks, and latinos to want to interact with anyone outside their group. They lie on the "positive" side of the social distance scale in five different situations with asians and blacks, and six situations with latinos. In other words, for example, this means that blacks are statistically significantly more willing to join a club made up of mostly whites; eat at a table with a group of whites; go to a party where there are mostly whites; and date, have a romantic relationship with, and marry a white than are whites willing to do the same with blacks. These social distance results are important, especially on a predominantly white campus like F&M, because they show whites' relative unwillingness to include students of color completely into their social circles.
It is important to note that the students who came to F&M made the choice to do so, and knew that with that choice they would be in an environment of predominantly white students. Therefore, most white students may have come in expecting mainly all white social circles, just as most students of color probably entered this college expecting to cross racial lines in their daily activities and interactions.
Asians, blacks, and latinos all expressed a greater willingness to interact with whites than whites did with them. Asians, however, also are less likely to want to interact with blacks and latinos than those groups are to want to interact with them. Also, when measuring warmth/coldness and closeness/distance between groups, asians were most likely to express coldness and distance toward other groups, with whites being the next most likely to do so. In these ways, asians tended to be more like whites, rather than like blacks or latinos, in their racial attitudes; they are more likely to subscribe to dominant group ideology than these other groups. Throughout a majority of the survey results, asians are most likely to answer in the "no opinion" category, demonstrating their preference for maintenance of the status quo.
The dominant group ideology which is apparent in the social exclusion and more negative feelings, especially on the part of whites who are always on the positive side of the social distance measures, can affect the type of experience that students of color have at F&M. We see evidence of this effect in the results from the survey question about overall satisfaction at F&M. One-third of blacks (33.3%) responded that they were very or somewhat dissatisfied; 27.8% of asians and 26.9% of latinos felt the same dissatisfaction. Meanwhile, 85.8% of whites reported that they were very or somewhat satisfied with F&M. Also demonstrating the effect of exclusion by whites, blacks and latinos express the most difficulty in making friends of other races on campus.
What could be done to begin to battle an ideology, to which a majority of the campus subscribes, which results in an imbalance in both feelings toward other groups and willingness to interact with them? There has been considerable research on the hypothesis that contact with other groups will decrease prejudice toward them. The most recent research indicates that certain circumstances must be met first in order for this contact to be beneficial. Among the criteria are many which are met by a college setting: conflict-free environment, equal status among students, and institutional support. A condition which is not met and which may be the stumbling block toward a more open, tolerant, and accepting campus is opportunity for both intensive and extensive contact.
About three-quarters of whites reported that they never, rarely, or only monthly have contact with asians, blacks, or latinos at school activities. Most whites reported that their three best friends were all members of their own race, which is not surprising considering the racial composition of the campus, but whites were also least likely of all groups to have attended any cultural events during the semester. And when it comes to discussing race relations whites were least likely (only about one-quarter) to have discussed with non-whites than any other group, and only asians are less likely to have discussed race issues with whites than whites are.
With low contact and discussion levels, whites are not being exposed to the lives that students of color are leading on this campus. Blacks and latinos were significantly more likely to report being aware of incidents of racial harassment, and about one-third of both these groups reported being actual victims of racial harassment on campus while asians and whites reported very little of this. These kinds of experiences are unlikely to be shared with whites who are unwilling or just unlikely to interact with blacks and latinos, and consequently there is little chance that whites will be exposed to a new life perspective that can call into question the dominant ideology.
When the offensive graffiti showed up on the walls of a part of this campus, all students felt comfortable reacting against that act of blatant, traditional prejudice because our society has come to a point where such outright expressions of hatred and domination are abnormal and unacceptable. In the place of these forms of racism, another form has been identified that is more subtle and sophisticated, and is therefore more difficult to bring up to the level of debate. But its existence is evident through the attitudes and contradictions of whites students seen in the survey results, and the ideology also explains how a campus that seemed to have exploded in one moment so quickly quieted down in the next. No, traditional prejudice will not be tolerated, but still there should not be programs to ameliorate the effects of that prejudice which still exists, nor do we wish to fully interact with groups unlike our own. With few minorities enough to have extensive or intensive contact with whites for them to challenge whites' attitudes and beliefs in the dominant ideology, the mission of the college to prepare its students for the world after college is not accomplished, and students of color are left to a college experience that is less satisfactory and, I would suspect, disheartening and frustrating.
last updated 6/01 ag